An early version of this essay posed the following research question:
how does the community inform and instruct its members as to its
customs? Are the customs self-evident or self-organizing at a
semi-conscious level? Are they taught by example? Are they taught by
explicit instruction?
Teaching by explicit instruction is clearly rare, if only
because few explicit descriptions of the culture's norms have existed
for instructional use up to now.
Many norms are taught by example. To cite one very simple case, there
is a norm that every software distribution should have a file called
README or READ.ME that contains first-look instructions for browsing
the distribution. This convention has been well established since at
least the early 1980s; it has even, occasionally, been written down.
But one normally derives it from looking at many distributions.
On the other hand, some hacker customs are self-organizing once one has
acquired a basic (perhaps unconscious) understanding of the reputation
game. Most hackers never have to be taught the three taboos I listed
earlier in this essay, or at least would claim if asked that they are
self-evident rather than transmitted. This phenomenon invites
closer analysis—and perhaps we can find its explanation in the
process by which hackers acquire knowledge about the culture.
Many cultures use hidden clues (more precisely `mysteries' in the
religio/mystical sense) as an acculturation mechanism. These are
secrets that are not revealed to outsiders, but are expected to be
discovered or deduced by the aspiring newbie. To be accepted inside,
one must demonstrate that one both understands the mystery and has
learned it in a culturally sanctioned way.
The hacker culture makes unusually conscious and extensive use of such
clues or tests. We can see this process operating at at least three
levels:
In the process of acquiring these mysteries, the would-be hacker
picks up contextual knowledge that (after a while) does make the
three taboos and other customs seem `self-evident'.
One might, incidentally, argue that the structure of the hacker gift
culture itself is its own central mystery. One is not considered
acculturated (concretely: no one will call you a hacker) until one
demonstrates a gut-level understanding of the reputation game and its
implied customs, taboos, and usages. But this is trivial; all
cultures demand such understanding from would-be joiners. Furthermore
the hacker culture evinces no desire to have its internal logic and
folkways kept secret—or, at least, nobody has ever flamed me
for revealing them!
Respondents to this essay too numerous to list have pointed out that
hacker ownership customs seem intimately related to (and may derive
directly from) the practices of the academic world, especially the
scientific research commmunity. This research community has similar
problems in mining a territory of potentially productive ideas, and
exhibits very similar adaptive solutions to those problems in the ways
it uses peer review and reputation.
Since many hackers have had formative exposure to academia (it's
common to learn how to hack while in college) the extent to which
academia shares adaptive patterns with the hacker culture is of more
than casual interest in understanding how these customs are
applied.
Obvious parallels with the hacker `gift culture' as I have
characterized it abound in academia. Once a researcher achieves
tenure, there is no need to worry about survival issues. (Indeed, the
concept of tenure can probably be traced back to an earlier gift
culture in which ``natural philosophers'' were primarily wealthy
gentlemen with time on their hands to devote to research.) In the
absence of survival issues, reputation enhancement becomes the driving
goal, which encourages sharing of new ideas and research through
journals and other media. This makes objective functional sense
because scientific research, like the hacker culture, relies heavily
on the idea of `standing upon the shoulders of giants', and not having
to rediscover basic principles over and over again.
Some have gone so far as to suggest that hacker customs are merely a
reflection of the research community's folkways and have actually (in
most cases) been acquired there by individual hackers. This probably
overstates the case, if only because hacker custom seems to be readily
acquired by intelligent high-schoolers!